Become CZECH

AUTHENTIC CZECH LIVING

From its founding in 896 AD by the Magyar tribes to its golden age as part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Hungary has played a pivotal role in European history. Its rich cultural tapestry reflects influences from Roman, Ottoman, and Habsburg rule, blended with deeply rooted Magyar traditions. With its stunning architectural heritage, from medieval castles to iconic thermal baths, Hungary offers a timeless journey through its dynamic and enduring cultural legacy.

After the fall of communism in 1989, Hungary underwent a remarkable transformation. The nation embraced political and economic reforms, joining the European Union in 2004 and positioning itself as a dynamic player in Central Europe. Its thriving arts scene, expanding tourism industry, and focus on education and technology showcase a country that honors its past while forging a bright future. Today, Hungary is a bridge between East and West, celebrated for its unique language, cuisine, and spirit of resilience.

We have created a selection of words and expressions that you won't find in any textbook or course, to make you become a real native by helping you understand Hungarian words that carry a deeper cultural meaning as well as expand your knowledge of the country and its history.

EXPAND YOUR KNOWLEDGE

AKCE ASANACE

Akce Asanace was a coordinated campaign used by the communist Czechoslovak state to force selected opponents of the regime into exile. It was carried out by Státní bezpečnost (State Security), commonly abbreviated StB, and emerged in direct response to Charta 77 (Charter 77), the civic initiative that demanded respect for human rights obligations formally accepted by Czechoslovakia. On 21 December 1977, Interior Minister Jaromír Obzina issued an order instructing the security apparatus to isolate leading Charter activists and secure the departure of selected organizers from the country.

The main instrument of Asanace was systematic  nátlak  (coercion), not simply conventional criminal prosecution. Targeted disidenti (dissidents) were repeatedly summoned for questioning, followed by secret-police officers, threatened, dismissed from employment, deprived of documents, and subjected to pressure through their families. Historical research also documents physical violence in some cases. The objective was to make normal life increasingly difficult until departure from Czechoslovakia seemed preferable to continued harassment. This method allowed the regime to remove politically troublesome people while presenting their exit abroad as an apparently personal decision.

Asanace therefore transformed emigrace (emigration) into an instrument of political repression. Those targeted included writers, musicians, intellectuals, underground cultural figures, and human-rights activists. Folk singer Jaroslav Hutka, for example, a Charter 77 signatory, left Czechoslovakia for the Netherlands in 1978 after sustained pressure from State Security. Other individuals and families faced similar choices. By pushing dissidents abroad, the authorities hoped to weaken opposition networks inside the country and reduce the number of people capable of organizing independent cultural and civic activity.

The operation formed part of the broader system of repression associated with normalizace (Normalization), the period after the suppression of the Prague Spring in 1968. During these years, the Communist Party restored strict political control through censorship, surveillance, workplace discrimination, ideological screening, and restrictions on independent organizations. Asanace complemented imprisonment and prosecution with a different strategy: instead of keeping every opponent inside the country under constant surveillance, the state attempted to remove selected people from Czechoslovak society altogether.

The campaign did not destroy Charter 77, but it caused serious personal and social damage. Families lost homes, careers, friendships, and established lives, while exile often meant rebuilding everything in an unfamiliar country.

After the fall of communist rule in 1989, Akce Asanace became the subject of archival research and criminal proceedings involving former officials of the Interior Ministry and StB. Surviving records demonstrate that the pressure was not a collection of isolated abuses but part of an organized bezpečnostní aparát (security apparatus) strategy. Today, Akce Asanace is regarded as a clear example of how an authoritarian state can combine bureaucracy, surveillance, intimidation, and violence to turn exile into a political weapon.

PALACHŮV TÝDEN

Palachův týden was a series of anti-government demonstrations held in Prague from 15 to 21 January 1989, ten months before the collapse of communist rule in Czechoslovakia. The protests began around the twentieth anniversary of the self-immolation of student Jan Palach, who had set himself on fire on Wenceslas Square in January 1969 to protest political resignation after the Warsaw Pact invasion. What was initially intended as a pietní shromáždění (commemorative gathering) rapidly developed into the most important confrontation between citizens and the communist authorities before the Velvet Revolution.

On 15 January 1989, approximately 3,500 members of the security forces and Lidové milice (People’s Militias) were deployed around Wenceslas Square to prevent people from gathering near the monument to Saint Wenceslas. When citizens nevertheless attempted to commemorate Palach, police dispersed them and demonstrations spread into neighboring streets. According to the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes, 117 people were detained that day. The authorities simultaneously began a dezinformační kampaň (disinformation campaign) portraying demonstrators as provocateurs manipulated by hostile foreign forces.

Instead of ending after a single confrontation, protests returned during the following days. Demonstrators increasingly voiced broader political demands concerning lidská práva (human rights), freedom, and the release of political prisoners. Security forces repeatedly used obušky (batons), police dogs, and vodní děla (water cannons) to disperse crowds. The violence became particularly severe on 19 January, later remembered as “Bloody Thursday.” The persistence of the demonstrations revealed that increasing numbers of ordinary citizens were prepared to confront the regime publicly despite the risk of arrest or physical injury.

Several prominent opposition figures were detained during the protests, including Václav Havel (Václav Havel). Havel was subsequently prosecuted for his participation and on 21 February received a nine-month prison sentence, later reduced to eight months. Other activists, including Alexandr Vondra, Petr Placák, and Stanislav Penc, also faced legal proceedings. Across the entire week, security forces detained or brought in 851 people and checked the identities of another 2,021.

The final stage came on 21 January with a planned pouť (pilgrimage) to Jan Palach’s grave in Všetaty. Security forces closed the cemetery in advance, restricted access to the town, and detained participants to prevent a public commemorative ceremony at the grave. The unusually extensive police measures demonstrated how seriously the authorities regarded even symbolic acts of public remembrance.

Palachův týden was historically significant because it exposed the decreasing effectiveness of politická represe (political repression). Police succeeded in dispersing individual gatherings but could not prevent protests from reappearing for an entire week. The brutality of the response also damaged the regime’s legitimacy and encouraged further opposition activity. During the following months, petitions, demonstrations, independent initiatives, and demands for political change grew steadily.

When the Sametová revoluce (Velvet Revolution) began in November 1989, many of the methods and networks of civic resistance visible during Palachův týden reappeared on a much larger scale. The January demonstrations are therefore regarded as an important prelude to the end of communist rule, demonstrating that public fear was weakening and that organized dissent was becoming capable of mobilizing far beyond the traditional dissident community.

BAT'A

Baťa is one of the most influential industrial enterprises to emerge from the Czech lands. The company was founded in Zlín on 21 September 1894 by siblings Tomáš, Antonín, and Anna Baťa, members of a family with a long shoemaking tradition. At the time Zlín belonged to Austria-Hungary, and the founders departed from the traditional model of individual craftsmen producing shoes to order. Their organized approach to obuvnická výroba (footwear production) soon developed into large-scale mechanized manufacturing. By 1905, approximately 250 employees were producing more than 2,200 pairs of shoes per day.

Tomáš Baťa became the central figure in the company's development. After studying American manufacturing methods during a visit to the United States, he increasingly emphasized mechanization, standardized production, productivity, and systematic organization. Cheap canvas shoes helped the business reach customers who could not afford more expensive leather footwear. By 1917, annual production had reached roughly two million pairs. Baťa also created its own prodejní síť (retail network), allowing the company to control distribution and obtain detailed information about customer demand instead of relying entirely on independent merchants.

A particularly distinctive element was the  Baťův systém řízení (Baťa management system). From the 1920s, departments and workshops increasingly operated as economically accountable units, with employees encouraged to monitor costs, productivity, quality, and profitability. Profit-and-loss participation, individual responsibility, internal competition, and opportunities for promotion formed important parts of this system. The company also invested in professional education and established the Baťova škola práce (Baťa School of Work), combining practical factory experience with training intended to prepare young employees for technical and managerial positions.

Baťa profoundly transformed Zlín itself. Rapid industrial expansion was accompanied by company housing, schools, shops, healthcare facilities, transport infrastructure, and cultural institutions. The resulting baťovská architektura (Baťa architecture) became recognizable for standardized construction, functional layouts, reinforced-concrete frames, brick infill, and systematic urban planning. Factory buildings and residential districts were designed according to repeatable principles that could later be adapted to Baťa industrial settlements abroad. The company's administrative Building No. 21, completed in the late 1930s to a design by Vladimír Karfík, became one of the most prominent symbols of this functionalist environment.

Tomáš Baťa died in an aircraft accident in 1932, after which his half-brother Jan Antonín Baťa assumed leadership. The enterprise continued expanding internationally and diversified into products including tires, bicycles, machinery, and aircraft. During the 1930s its factories and commercial organizations spread across numerous countries, making the Baťa model an important example of Czechoslovak průmyslová expanze (industrial expansion).

After World War II, the Czechoslovak operations were nationalized. The Zlín enterprise was renamed Svit in 1949, while members of the Baťa family continued developing the international company from operations outside communist Czechoslovakia. The brand survived as a global footwear business, but its Czech historical significance extends far beyond shoes. Baťa influenced factory organization, retailing, worker education, architecture, urban planning, advertising, and management theory, making the company one of the most important industrial institutions in modern Czech history.

BRAMBORÁK

Bramborák is one of the best-known traditional dishes of Czech home cooking. It is a fried bramborová placka (potato pancake) made primarily from raw grated potatoes mixed with flour, eggs, garlic, and seasonings. The finished pancake is usually thin enough to develop crisp edges while remaining softer inside. Although similar potato pancakes occur throughout Central and Eastern Europe, the Czech version is particularly recognizable because of its strong use of garlic and marjoram, two flavors that give bramborák its characteristic aroma.

The basic preparation begins with raw brambory (potatoes), which are peeled and grated. Depending on household preference, they may be grated finely to produce a smoother batter or more coarsely to preserve greater texture. Excess liquid is sometimes drained, although retaining part of the potato starch helps bind the mixture. Flour and eggs are then added, while some recipes include a small quantity of milk. The batter is seasoned generously with česnek (garlic), salt, pepper, and especially majoránka (marjoram). Caraway may also appear in certain regional or family recipes.

Individual portions of the mixture are placed into a frying pan containing hot sádlo (lard) or vegetable oil and spread into relatively flat rounds. Traditional preparation often favored lard because it produces a rich flavor and crisp surface, although modern households commonly use frying oil. Each pancake is fried on both sides until golden brown. The combination of high heat and grated potato creates a crunchy exterior, while the interior remains moist and substantial. Bramboráky are normally eaten hot soon after frying because their texture becomes softer as they cool.

The dish has numerous regional names and variations. In parts of Moravia and Silesia, related potato pancakes may be called cmunda (regional potato pancake) or use other local expressions. Recipes can contain smoked meat, cracklings, sauerkraut, or additional herbs. A well-known South Bohemian preparation, cmunda po kaplicku, combines potato pancakes with smoked pork and sauerkraut, transforming the simple pancake into a much more substantial main course.

Bramborák can function as a complete meal, a side dish, or a form of rychlé občerstvení (quick food). It is frequently sold at fairs, outdoor events, markets, and traditional food stands. In restaurants, smaller potato pancakes may accompany meat dishes, particularly preparations with strongly flavored sauces or roasted pork. The relatively inexpensive ingredients historically made the dish particularly suitable for households in which potatoes formed an important everyday staple.

Its place in Czech cuisine reflects the wider historical importance of the potato in Central Europe. Once potatoes became widely cultivated in the Czech lands during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, they became fundamental to rural cooking because they were productive, filling, and adaptable. Bramborák represents this tradition particularly clearly: simple agricultural ingredients are transformed through frying and strong seasoning into a distinctive dish that remains common in Czech households and public food culture today.

BON

A bon was a special voucher used primarily for purchases in Tuzex (foreign-currency retail chain), a state-owned network of shops operating in socialist Czechoslovakia. Tuzex was established in 1957 to sell imported goods and selected high-quality Czechoslovak products in exchange for foreign currency or special vouchers rather than ordinary Czechoslovak crowns. The official name of the vouchers was tuzexové poukázky (Tuzex vouchers), although people almost universally referred to them as bony. The first vouchers appeared in 1957 in denominations corresponding to 1, 5, 20, 50, and 100 Tuzex crowns.

The system was designed partly to obtain valuable  devizy (foreign exchange) for the Czechoslovak state. Citizens who legally received foreign currency, for example through employment abroad or relatives living outside the country, could exchange it through authorized institutions and receive bony. Foreign visitors could also shop in Tuzex using convertible currencies. Ordinary Czechoslovak crowns, however, could not normally be used there. This created an unusual dual consumer environment in which access to particular goods depended not only on income but also on access to special means of payment.

Tuzex became desirable because it offered západní zboží (Western goods) and products that were difficult or impossible to obtain in ordinary state shops. Customers sought jeans, electronics, watches, cosmetics, alcohol, imported food, fashionable clothing, and sometimes automobiles. Consequently, bony acquired a practical value far greater than their official denomination suggested. Possessing them provided access to consumer culture that contrasted sharply with the shortages and limited selection characteristic of much of the centrally planned retail economy.

Demand created a substantial černý trh (black market). Informal currency dealers known as veksláci (illegal currency dealers) gathered near Tuzex shops, hotels, railway stations, and busy urban locations, offering bony and foreign currencies for ordinary crowns. Although the official accounting value of one bon corresponded to one Czechoslovak crown, its street price was several times higher and fluctuated according to demand and availability. State security organizations repeatedly attempted to suppress this trade, but illegal exchanges remained widespread throughout the later socialist period.

The vouchers themselves changed over time. Their denominations, validity periods, graphic designs, and security features were repeatedly modified. Counterfeiting became sufficiently significant that improved watermarks and more complicated designs were introduced. Earlier vouchers could also have limited validity, while later regulations extended the period during which some denominations could be used. In 1981, legislation more explicitly defined their legal character, demonstrating how deeply the system had become embedded in Czechoslovak consumer life.

After the political and economic transformation beginning in 1989, the conditions that had made bony valuable rapidly disappeared. Convertible currencies became legally obtainable, foreign goods entered ordinary retail markets, and Tuzex lost its privileged position. The bon nevertheless remains an important symbol of the socialist nedostatkové hospodářství (shortage economy), illustrating how currency restrictions and limited consumer supply produced an unofficial economy alongside the state-controlled one.

BUCHTIČKY SE ŠODÓ

Buchtičky se šodó is a traditional Czech sweet dish consisting of small yeast buns served with a warm vanilla-flavored sauce. It belongs to the long Central European tradition of sladká jídla (sweet main dishes), in which flour-based preparations could be served not only as desserts but also as substantial lunches. The dish became especially familiar in school cafeterias, workplace canteens, and home kitchens during the twentieth century, although its basic components are considerably older.

The foundation of the dish is kynuté těsto (yeast dough), usually prepared from wheat flour, milk, yeast, sugar, eggs or egg yolks, butter, and a small amount of salt. The dough is left to rise until it becomes soft and elastic. It is then divided into many small pieces that are shaped into compact buns. These buchtičky (small buns) are arranged close together in a greased baking dish so that they rise and bake as a connected mass while remaining easy to separate afterward.

Before baking, the individual pieces are often brushed with melted butter or another fat. This prevents them from sticking too firmly together and gives the surface a richer flavor. During baking, the buns develop a lightly browned crust while the interior remains soft and airy. Their relatively neutral sweetness is deliberate, because much of the final flavor comes from the sauce poured over them immediately before serving.

The term šodó (sweet custard-style sauce) is historically related to the French word chaudeau, which referred to a warm preparation based on wine, sugar, and beaten egg yolks. In older Central European cooking, genuine šodó could therefore contain wine and was closer to a foamy egg sauce than to modern custard. In contemporary Czech usage, however, buchtičky se šodó are most commonly served with a warm vanilla sauce based on milk, sugar, vanilla, and a thickening ingredient such as egg yolk, starch, or commercial custard powder.

This distinction is important because the modern vanilková omáčka (vanilla sauce) found in many Czech institutions is not identical to the historical wine-based version. School and canteen recipes generally favor milk-based sauces because they are inexpensive, easy to prepare in large quantities, and suitable for children. As a result, generations of Czechs have come to associate the word šodó primarily with a smooth yellow vanilla sauce rather than with its older culinary meaning.

Buchtičky se šodó are normally served warm, with a generous quantity of sauce surrounding or covering the buns. The contrast between the soft baked dough and the fluid sauce is central to the dish. Unlike many Czech pastries, the buns are usually not filled with jam, poppy seeds, or quark.

The dish remains strongly associated with školní jídelna (school cafeteria) culture as well as domestic cooking. Its continued popularity reflects an important characteristic of Czech cuisine: sweet flour-based foods such as fruit dumplings, pancakes, and yeast preparations can function as complete meals rather than merely desserts. Buchtičky se šodó therefore occupy a distinctive place between traditional pastry, institutional cooking, and everyday Czech comfort food.

DĚKUJEME, ODEJDĚTE!

Děkujeme, odejděte! was a Czech civic appeal issued on 17 November 1999, exactly ten years after the beginning of the Velvet Revolution.

It was written by six former student activists connected with the events of November 1989: Josef Brož, Igor Chaun, Vlastimil Ježek, Martin Mejstřík, Šimon Pánek, and Vratislav Řehák. The text acknowledged that the Czech Republic had become fundamentally free and democratic but expressed strong disappointment with the conduct of the contemporary politická reprezentace (political leadership). Its authors argued that the political system had become characterized by arrogance, stagnation, party self-interest, and declining public confidence.

The appeal emerged during growing dissatisfaction with the opoziční smlouva (Opposition Agreement), concluded in 1998 between the Czech Social Democratic Party, ČSSD, led by Miloš Zeman, and the Civic Democratic Party, ODS, led by Václav Klaus. The agreement enabled Zeman’s minority government to remain in office with ODS tolerance. Critics believed that cooperation between the two largest parties weakened normal political competition and allowed them to dominate important institutions. Děkujeme, odejděte! consequently became an expression of wider frustration with Czech politics during the late 1990s.

The initiative rapidly developed beyond its original declaration. On 27 November 1999, its coordinating committee issued more specific demands in Hradec Králové. These included termination of the opposition agreement, the demise vlády (resignation of the government), the organization of předčasné volby (early elections), and replacement of established party leaders. The organizers emphasized občanská angažovanost (civic engagement), arguing that citizens should actively pressure politicians to place the interests of the country above those of individual parties.

Public support initially grew very quickly. Students established regional centers, distributed the appeal, and organized a nationwide petice (petition). By early December approximately 130,000 signatures had reportedly been collected. On 3 December, more than 70,000 people gathered on Prague’s Wenceslas Square in support of the initiative, while demonstrations also occurred in cities including Brno, Ostrava, Plzeň, Hradec Králové, and České Budějovice. The gatherings deliberately recalled the civic mobilization of 1989, and the organizers identified Klaus and Zeman as principal symbols of the political situation they wanted changed.

The initiative attracted considerable attention from the media and established political figures. President Václav Havel met its representatives, while supporters viewed the campaign as evidence that občanská společnost (civil society) remained capable of large-scale mobilization. Its critics, particularly within ODS, argued that vaguely defined civic movements operating outside normal party structures could destabilize parliamentary politics. Klaus rejected the initiative’s criticism and remained ODS chairman, while Zeman continued as prime minister.

Ultimately, Děkujeme, odejděte! did not achieve its central political demands. The opposition agreement survived, neither Klaus nor Zeman immediately departed, and the initiative did not develop into a durable political party. By November 2000, its direct influence had substantially diminished.

Nevertheless, it remains an important episode in post-1989 Czech political history because it revealed significant rozčarování (disillusionment) with the first decade of democratic politics and demonstrated that large numbers of citizens were willing to mobilize publicly against perceived political stagnation.

HOUSKOVÝ KNEDLÍK

Houskový knedlík is one of the most characteristic side dishes of česká kuchyně (Czech cuisine). It is a cylindrical bread dumpling made from flour-based dough containing pieces of bread or rolls, cooked and then cut into thick slices before serving. Together with potato dumplings, it forms the principal savory knedlík (dumpling) tradition of the Czech Republic. Bread dumplings are particularly suited to dishes containing substantial quantities of sauce because their porous structure absorbs liquid while generally retaining its shape. They therefore appear regularly in Czech homes, traditional restaurants, and institutional catering.

The name derives from houska (bread roll), because cubes of white bread or rolls are traditionally incorporated into the dough. A standard preparation combines wheat flour, milk or water, yeast, egg, salt, and diced bread. The kynuté těsto (yeast dough) is kneaded until smooth and then left to rise. Adding bread cubes gives the finished dumpling its characteristic internal texture and distinguishes it from smoother flour dumplings. Recipes vary considerably between households, and some preparations use slightly stale bread because its firmer structure absorbs moisture without disintegrating.

After rising, the dough is divided and shaped into elongated cylinders. These are traditionally cooked in gently boiling salted water, although vaření v páře (steaming) is also widely used. The dumplings expand during cooking as yeast-generated air and steam create a soft interior. Proper timing is important: insufficient cooking leaves raw dough in the center, while excessive cooking can produce an unpleasantly wet or dense texture. Once cooked, the dumplings are commonly pierced so that accumulated steam can escape.

Traditional  krájení nití (cutting with thread) is particularly associated with houskový knedlík. A thread is slipped beneath the cooked cylinder, crossed over its upper surface, and pulled tight, producing a clean slice without compressing the soft dumpling. Modern cooks also use sharp knives or specialized slicers. Portions are normally served as several round slices arranged beside meat and sauce.

Houskový knedlík is especially associated with svíčková na smetaně (beef with creamy vegetable sauce), one of the best-known Czech dishes. It also accompanies goulash, roast pork, roast duck, and numerous beef or game preparations. Czech gastronomy relies heavily on sauces, and bread dumplings function as an effective příloha (side dish) for absorbing them. VisitCzechia specifically identifies white-bread dumplings as the traditional accompaniment to svíčková and notes the central position of dumplings on Czech restaurant menus.

Dumpling traditions in the Czech lands have a long history. Historical references to dumpling-like foods reach back to medieval Bohemia, while recognizable recipes for bread and potato dumplings were recorded by the first half of the seventeenth century. The modern Czech word knedlík ultimately derives from the German Knödel, reflecting centuries of culinary exchange within Central Europe.

Houskový knedlík is therefore not simply a substitute for bread or potatoes. Its preparation, texture, serving method, and close relationship with české omáčky (Czech sauces) make it a defining component of traditional Czech meal structure and one of the country's most recognizable everyday foods.

IGRÁČEK

Igráček is an articulated Czech plastic toy figure introduced in 1976 and strongly associated with childhood in socialist Czechoslovakia. The figure was developed at the IGRA cooperative in Mnichovice near Prague by constructor Jiří Kalina and designer Marie Pavlíčková-Krejchová. Their aim was to create a small, durable hračka (toy) that children could use to represent ordinary people and occupations in imaginative play. The first Igráček released in 1976 represented a zedník (bricklayer), complete with appropriate work accessories.

The basic figure is approximately eight centimeters tall and has movable arms, legs, and head. Its relatively simple construction allows accessories and occupational equipment to be attached or placed in its hands. Rather than concentrating on fantasy heroes, the original series presented recognizable povolání (occupations) from everyday life. Early figures included a cook, chimney sweep, railway dispatcher, teacher, firefighter, and carpenter. Within several years, the range had expanded to more than fifty characters, and historically the complete product family has included hundreds of different figures and accessories.

This emphasis on everyday professions gave Igráček an educational dimension. Children could construct miniature situations involving transport, construction, emergency services, shops, households, and other familiar environments. Accessories such as tools, wheelbarrows, uniforms, and equipment helped identify each postavička (figure) and encouraged role-playing. The product became particularly popular during the 1980s, when domestic toys occupied a prominent place in Czechoslovak shops and foreign brands were much less widely available.

The figure is sometimes compared with Germany's Playmobil because both toy systems appeared during the 1970s and use small articulated human characters. However, the Czech manufacturer emphasizes that Igráček developed as an independent concept. Kalina knew German designer Hans Beck, who later became closely associated with the development of Playmobil, and the two reportedly discussed their ideas before pursuing separate designs. Igráček consequently became a distinctive product of československý design (Czechoslovak design) rather than simply a local version of a foreign toy.

After the political changes of 1989, Igráček encountered serious commercial difficulties. The opening of the Czech market brought extensive competition from international výrobci hraček (toy manufacturers), and the traditional figure came close to disappearing. A revival began after Czech company EFKO became involved with the brand in 2007. An updated version was introduced to the Czech market in 2010 while preserving the recognizable proportions and concept of the historical figure.

Modern Igráček figures continue to be manufactured in the Czech Republic, including production in Nové Veselí and Korouhev. Contemporary ranges combine traditional professions with newer characters, themed sets, buildings, vehicles, fairy-tale figures, and limited editions. The manufacturer continues to present the figures as tools for developing jemná motorika (fine motor skills) and imagination through handling small accessories and creating stories.

In 2026, Igráček marked fifty years since the appearance of the original bricklayer. Its survival across socialism, the post-1989 market transformation, and modern toy culture has made it more than a children's product. Igráček has become a recognizable example of Czech hračkářská tradice (toy-making tradition) and an object of nostalgia for generations who encountered its miniature workers, professionals, and everyday characters during childhood.

JÁRA CIMRMAN

Jára Cimrman is a fictional Czech polymath whose invented biography has become one of the most recognizable phenomena of modern český humor (Czech humor). The character emerged from the Czechoslovak Radio program Nealkoholická vinárna U Pavouka, created by Jiří Šebánek, Zdeněk Svěrák, and musician Karel Velebný. Cimrman was first mentioned on air on 16 September 1966, initially as an eccentric self-taught sculptor. Later broadcasts dramatically expanded his supposed achievements, establishing the elaborate mystifikace (mystification) on which the entire Cimrman tradition is based.

Within the fictional biography, Cimrman is presented as a neglected český génius (Czech genius) who lived around the turn of the twentieth century and made discoveries or inventions shortly before more famous historical figures received credit for them. His fictional activities extend into mathematics, engineering, aviation, education, theatre, medicine, music, exploration, and criminology. The humor depends on presenting absurd claims with meticulous academic seriousness, complete with supposedly rediscovered documents, scientific terminology, eyewitness evidence, and debates among cimrmanologové (Cimrman scholars).

The character soon moved from radio into theatre. The Divadlo Járy Cimrmana (Jára Cimrman Theatre) was formed in 1966, and its first play, Akt, received a private preview in June 1967 before its public premiere on 4 October at Prague's Malostranská beseda. The theatrical format became distinctive: performances commonly begin with a mock scholarly seminář (seminar) presenting discoveries about Cimrman's life or theories, followed by a play supposedly reconstructed from his forgotten dramatic work.

Zdeněk Svěrák and Ladislav Smoljak became the principal authors of the theatrical repertoire. Plays such as Vyšetřování ztráty třídní knihy, Hospoda Na mýtince, Vražda v salónním coupé, Dobytí severního pólu, Záskok, Švestka, Afrika, and České nebe developed a recognizable combination of linguistic precision, historical parody, understated acting, and absurdní humor (absurd humor). The official theatre continues to perform fifteen Cimrman titles and has been based at Prague's Žižkov theatre since 1992.

The fictional world also deliberately leaves basic biographical facts uncertain. Cimrman's supposed year of birth varies between accounts, while his ancestry is famously described as Czech on his father's side and Austrian on his mother's. Such contradictions are intentional. They imitate disagreements among real historians and allow the creators to parody vědecké bádání (scholarly research) while continually expanding the mythology.

Cimrman's cultural importance became especially clear during Czech Television's 2005 Největší Čech poll. He received such strong public support that organizers had to exclude him because the competition was intended for real historical personalities. Czech Television nevertheless produced a special program devoted to him, demonstrating how firmly a nonexistent figure had entered national cultural consciousness.

Jára Cimrman therefore functions simultaneously as a fictional inventor, playwright, explorer, scientist, and symbol of národní sebeironie (national self-irony). His enduring popularity rests on the contrast between grand claims and deliberately modest presentation, making him one of the most distinctive creations of Czech twentieth-century popular culture.

KOFOLA

Kofola is a Czech-Czechoslovak nealkoholický nápoj (soft drink) developed during the socialist period as a domestic alternative to Western cola beverages. Its origins lie in the pharmaceutical industry rather than conventional soft-drink manufacturing. In 1957, Czechoslovak authorities assigned the state pharmaceutical organization Spofa the task of developing a locally produced cola-style beverage. Research was carried out in Opava, where the pharmaceutical enterprise Galena had experience processing medicinal plants and producing extracts.

The project was led by pharmacist and researcher Zdeněk Blažek. After approximately two years of experimentation, his team developed sirup Kofo (Kofo syrup) in 1959. The concentrate combined fourteen herbal and fruit ingredients with caffeine. Known components have included extracts or materials derived from fruits, herbs, liquorice, cinnamon, and orange peel, although the exact proportions remain proprietary. The beverage produced from the syrup was initially called Kofokola before the shorter name Kofola was adopted. Commercial production began in 1960.

Kofola has a noticeably different flavor from American-style cola. Its bylinná chuť (herbal flavor) is stronger, with a sweet-and-sour character derived from the Kofo concentrate. During the 1960s, demand increased so rapidly that Czechoslovak producers reportedly had difficulty obtaining sufficient quantities of some herbs and began importing additional supplies. The drink became common in restaurants, refreshment stands, shops, and public catering establishments and was frequently served as čepovaná Kofola (draught Kofola).

Its popularity was partly shaped by the socialist plánované hospodářství (planned economy). Western cola brands were not widely available to ordinary consumers, while Kofola could be produced domestically and distributed on a large scale. Nevertheless, its success was not based only on limited competition. Its distinctive taste developed an independent following, particularly in the Czech and Slovak parts of Czechoslovakia.

The situation changed dramatically after the Sametová revoluce (Velvet Revolution) of 1989. International beverages such as Coca-Cola and Pepsi became readily available, and consumers initially showed strong interest in previously scarce foreign brands. Kofola's sales declined sharply, and the trademark changed ownership several times during the 1990s.

A major revival began with entrepreneur Kostas Samaras, whose family business had developed from a small beverage factory purchased in Krnov in 1993. In 2000, the company obtained a license to manufacture Kofola, then owned by the pharmaceutical company Ivax. Two years later, the Samaras-controlled business purchased the ochranná známka (trademark) and original recipe rights for CZK 215 million. Aggressive marketing, renewed distribution, and the successful slogan Když ji miluješ, není co řešit helped restore the drink's national prominence.

Kofola remains strongly associated with Czech and Slovak nápojová kultura (beverage culture), especially in pubs and restaurants where draught versions continue to be common. Its survival through state socialism, post-1989 decline, and subsequent commercial revival makes it both a major contemporary brand and a distinctive product of Czechoslovak industrial history.

KORUNA ČESKÁ

Koruna česká is the official currency of the Czech Republic. Its name means “Czech crown,” and its standard abbreviation is Kč (Czech crown), while its international ISO currency code is CZK. The currency was created after the peaceful dissolution of Czechoslovakia on 1 January 1993. Although the Czech Republic and Slovakia initially continued using the common Czechoslovak crown, this arrangement was always considered temporary. The two states formally separated their currencies on 8 February 1993, creating the independent Czech and Slovak monetary systems.

The introduction of the new currency required a large and rapid měnová odluka (currency separation). Existing Czechoslovak banknotes with denominations of 100, 500, and 1,000 crowns were temporarily marked with Czech adhesive stamps so that they could circulate as Czech currency. Approximately 62 billion crowns' worth of banknotes were physically stamped, while an additional 30 billion crowns' worth of 1,000-crown notes were manufactured with the stamp already printed on them. This transitional system allowed the Czech Republic to establish a separate currency before sufficient quantities of entirely new banknotes could be produced.

The first new bankovka (banknote) denominated directly in Czech crowns was the 200 Kč note featuring educational reformer Jan Amos Komenský, which entered circulation on 8 February 1993. During 1993, new notes with denominations of 50, 100, 500, 1,000, and 5,000 Kč followed. A 20 Kč banknote appeared in 1994, and the 2,000 Kč denomination completed the original series in 1996. The artistic designs were created by Oldřich Kulhánek, whose portraits of important personalities became one of the most recognizable features of modern Czech currency.

New mince (coins) were also introduced during 1993. The original series included 10, 20, and 50 haléř coins together with 1, 2, 5, 10, 20, and 50 Kč coins. Because the Czechoslovak state mint in Kremnica became part of independent Slovakia, the earliest Czech coins had to be produced abroad, including in Hamburg and Winnipeg. Domestic production subsequently began after the establishment of a Czech mint in Jablonec nad Nisou.

The currency is issued and managed by the Česká národní banka (Czech National Bank), which was established as the Czech Republic's central bank on 1 January 1993. Its responsibilities include monetary policy, currency issuance, financial stability, banking supervision, and maintaining price stability. The Czech crown became fully externally convertible in October 1995, an important step in integrating the Czech economy into international financial markets.

Several smaller denominations have disappeared over time. The haléř (heller), theoretically one hundredth of a crown, no longer circulates as a physical coin. Ten- and twenty-haléř coins were withdrawn in 2003, followed by the fifty-haléř coin in 2008. Twenty- and fifty-crown banknotes were also withdrawn and replaced entirely by coins. Consequently, cash transactions are now rounded to whole crowns when necessary, although haléře can still appear in accounting and electronic prices.

Although the Czech Republic joined the European Union in 2004, it has retained the koruna rather than adopting the euro. The česká měna (Czech currency) therefore remains both a practical monetary instrument and an important symbol of the independent Czech state created in 1993.

KRTEČEK

Krteček is one of the most internationally recognizable characters of Czech animovaný film (animated film). The small black mole with a red nose was created by illustrator, animator, and director  Zdeněk Miler (Zdeněk Miler) during the 1950s. Miler had worked in animation since the 1940s and was associated with the important Bratři v triku animation studio. He developed Krteček while searching for an animal character that had not already been widely used in cartoons. According to Miler’s own recollections, the decisive inspiration came after he encountered a molehill during a walk.

The character first appeared in Jak krtek ke kalhotkám přišel, produced in 1957. The approximately eight-minute film tells how the krtek (mole) obtains a pair of trousers with the assistance of different animals, while simultaneously showing children stages involved in producing textile material. The film became an international success and received recognition at the Venice film festival. Its reception encouraged Miler to return to the character, although several years passed before another Krtek adventure appeared.

A decisive change came with Krtek a autíčko in 1963. Unlike the original film, later episodes largely abandoned conventional dialogue. Krteček communicates mainly through facial expressions, gestures, laughter, crying, and simple citoslovce (interjections). Miler used recordings of his young daughters for many of these sounds. The absence of complex spoken language made the films unusually easy to distribute internationally because they required little or no dubbing.

The stories typically place Krteček in situations involving friendship, curiosity, technology, animals, or the natural environment. His companions include a rabbit, hedgehog, mouse, frog, and other creatures. Although primarily designed as a dětský seriál (children’s series), the films often communicate straightforward ideas about cooperation, kindness, environmental responsibility, and the consequences of careless behavior. Their visual storytelling allows these themes to remain understandable without extensive explanation.

More than fifty animated films featuring the character were eventually produced, while Miler created more than seventy animated works during his career overall. Krteček also became enormously successful in dětské knihy (children’s books), toys, puzzles, clothing, school products, and other licensed merchandise. His distinctive appearance remained remarkably consistent, making him immediately recognizable across several generations.

The character also acquired symbolic importance outside entertainment. In 2011, NASA astronaut Andrew Feustel carried a plush Krteček aboard the final mission of the space shuttle Endeavour. The event generated considerable attention in Czechia and was later connected with educational activities encouraging children to become interested in science and space exploration.

Zdeněk Miler died in 2011, but Krteček has remained a major kulturní ikona (cultural icon). His international success rests partly on the deliberate use of beze slov (without words) storytelling, which allowed a specifically Czech creation to become accessible to children regardless of language. Krteček therefore occupies an exceptional position in Czech popular culture: a simple animated animal that developed from an educational film into one of the country's most enduring cultural exports.

KYSELO

Kyselo is a traditional sour soup associated above all with the Krkonoše (Giant Mountains) and their foothills in northern Czechia. It developed as an inexpensive, filling food suited to the difficult conditions of mountain communities, where households relied heavily on ingredients that could be stored or obtained locally. The defining component is chlebový kvásek (bread sourdough starter), which gives the soup both its characteristic acidity and its thick consistency. Unlike some other Central European sour soups, authentic Krkonošské kyselo does not depend on sauerkraut or cream.

Traditional sourdough is prepared from flour and water and allowed to ferment naturally. For kyselo, rye or bread flour is particularly characteristic. The fermented mixture is diluted with water and cooked until it thickens into a smooth, slightly sour base. Historically,  kvásek (sourdough) was readily available because bread was commonly baked at home, allowing part of the fermented starter to be reserved for subsequent baking or cooking. This made kyselo economical as well as practical in households where meat was not an everyday food.

Another essential ingredient is houby (mushrooms), especially dried forest mushrooms. The wooded Krkonoše landscape provided abundant seasonal mushrooms, and drying allowed families to preserve them throughout winter. They are usually boiled separately or directly in the soup, producing a strong earthy flavor. Traditional recipes commonly add kmín (caraway) and salt, while onion is fried in butter or lard until deeply browned and then incorporated into the soup.

Brambory (potatoes) provide additional substance. In some recipes they are diced and cooked directly with the other ingredients, while older regional preparations cook whole potatoes separately and place them in the bowl before the kyselo is poured over them. This variation illustrates the absence of one completely standardized recipe. Preparation differed between individual valleys, villages, and families, although sourdough, mushrooms, potatoes, onion, and eggs remained recurring components.

The final important ingredient is vejce (eggs). They may be cracked directly into the simmering soup, where they form soft pieces, or fried separately in butter like scrambled eggs before being added. Melted butter can also be poured over the finished serving, making the otherwise simple dish considerably richer. Czech Radio records traditional versions in which the eggs are browned separately and the potatoes are served whole beneath the soup.

Kyselo was historically regarded as jídlo chudých (food of the poor) because its ingredients were inexpensive and widely available to mountain households. Some local recollections describe it being eaten several times a day, with large quantities prepared to last for days. As fermentation continued, the soup became progressively more sour.

Today, Krkonošské kyselo has moved from subsistence cooking into regional gastronomy. It appears in mountain restaurants, hotels, and traditional-food events and is promoted as a characteristic example of regionální kuchyně (regional cuisine). Its continuing popularity reflects how a dish originally created from necessity can become an important culinary symbol of an entire Czech mountain region.

EXPAND YOUR KNOWLEDGE

For requests or suggestions: pr@learncesky.org

Courses Grammar Vocabulary
Culture

Learn the official language of the Czech Republic in 30 days thanks to the most complete Grammar, Vocabulary and Culture courses available.

Start speaking today!

© 2026 All rights reserved

News Podcasts Practice
About us